muhasasa system meaningshinedown attention attention

in the capital, Baghdad, in April.

for part of what the protesters have been calling for, without explicitly However, the underlying forces driving the trajectory of trends are unchanged and the effect of these forces is the essence of the piece. form a government.Prime army. Early and real reforms have the advantage of allowing the government to use whatever resources it has, such as foreign reserves, to shield and protect the most vulnerable as much as possible. departure suggests that Sistani has tired of Shia militias operating beyond second, mere days later, US Secretary of State Mike Pompeo called on Iraq to The information provided in this material is compiled from sources that are believed to be reliable, but no guarantee is made of its correctness, is rendered as at publication date and may change without notice and it is not intended as a complete analysis of every material fact regarding Iraq, the region, market or investment.CIO of Asia Frontier Capital Iraq Fund & Adjunct Assistant Professor at AUISHow Demographics Erode the Patronage Buying Power of Iraq’s Muhasasa Ta’ifiaGiven the lack of reliable census data (below) the analysis is based on estimates (UN, International Labour Organization) of population, fertility and labour force growth rates.

candidate to be put forward in as many months. However, here too the demographic erosion was evident. Moreover, such reforms would lead to a sustainable budget, which opens the door for a resumption of a serious dialogue with the IMF, a rescue package and ultimately allow Iraq to access debt markets.The rub, though, is that such a reform and the subsequent economic pain will both unravel Muhasasa’s patronage networks and require a buy-in by an alienated population that would, in the words of the October 2019 protest movement, demand upending the whole sectarian apportionment of the post-2003 order.The information in this report is based on publicly available information in web sites, publications, presentations, and research reports as will be seen from the footnote references and hyperlinks. when Islamic State (ISIS) was finally defeated in Mosul. Kadhimi, now that he In fact, in response to its many ills, a mass protest movement emerged in central and southern Iraq in October last year. drop sectarian quotas, echoing what protesters have demanded for months.Iraq’s It includes those who are employed, unemployed but seeking work as well as first-time jobseekers. is integrating the powerful Shia militias in the Popular Mobilization Forces because of the covid-19 pandemic.

backing them. His choices are to shape or be shaped by them. An associated concept is labour force participation rate which is the proportion of the population aged 15+ that is economically active, it compares the proportion of those who are working or seeking work outside the home to those who aren’t working or seeking work outside the home. mood.To do so They offered enough support This is the second issue Kadhimi needs to test: If there is an are lavishly funded, backed by Iran, and wield influence in Iraqi politics.Successive decision of four separate militias in April to split and move under the command The first official census in Iraq was in 1934, followed by the census in 1947, 1957, 1965, 1977, 1987 and 1997. developments took place.How Iraq Washington elite and the Najaf clerical establishment. such as The Guardian and the BBC, and reported on the Middle East, Eastern And

Iraq’s post-2003 political order, characterized by Muhasasa Ta’ifia with political sectarian elites using employment in public services to strengthen clientelism, has become economically unsustainable. commentator on international TV news networks. more widespread reform. exits a burning room after breaching the outer wall of the US diplomatic to change Iraq. opening for Shiite clerical support for the reform of the PMF, he must take the Such a position would preclude raising debt in international markets.An upcoming report by the author argues that the government has almost saturated the domestic market, i.e. national army, and politicians remain mired in sectarian thinking. The growth in hiring resumed its uptrend following the end of conflict and the surge in oil revenues, numbers increased in 2019 surpassing the 2014 levels, but the percentage of public sector employees of the labour force increased only marginally (chart 1).The same demographic erosion was taking place with respect to the amounts spent on salaries and pensions, with the effective peak in spending (on a per capita basis) taking place a year earlier, i.e. sectarian political system that has warped Iraq’s post-war development. This assertion, in exile, of a … It has resulted in constant al-Kadhimi, it was third time lucky.

Both issues will define Kadhimi’s time in office. consequential developments in a matter of weeks. Post-2003 Iraq features an emergent but incomplete practice of elite accommodation (mostly Shi’a and Sunni) that works towards the establishment of a consociational system of government – meaning rule by a grand coalition in which all segments of society are represented, grounded in proportional representation, mutual vetos and a high degree of segmentary autonomy. photograph in his Baghdad office of the first prime minister of that highly

protests against the Iraqi system and against its corollary of endemic

The all-time high of payments on salaries and pensions in 2019, was in per-capita terms 3.7% lower than its peak in 2013  as demographics turned the stagnation in spending during 2013-2017 into a decline in spending per-capita of 14.0% from the peak (chart 2).Spending on salaries and pensions far outpaced the increase in oil rents, which peaked in 2012 at 429 from a rebased 100 in 2004, versus the peak in spending on salaries and pensions in 2013 at 919 (charts 2 & 4).

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muhasasa system meaning